ON THE PROPER PROSODIFICATION OF PROCLITICS AND PREFIXES IN POLISH: PROBLEMS REVISITED

This paper discusses alternatives to the classic analysis of proclitic
plus host and prefix plus stem combinations which was offered in
Rubach and Booij (1985, 1990). As is shown in (1-2), a prosodic
constituent (i.e., a foot) is constructed across a word or stem
boundary, in violation of the Prosodic Hierarchy (cf. Nespor and Vogel
1986) and the Prosodification Constraint (Rubach and Booij 1990). The
parsing of the examples in (1a, 2a) into feet is given in (1b, 2b) -
where 's' stands for unstressed syllables and 'S' stands for syllables
bearing primary or secondary stress. The bracketing shown in (1c, 2c)
represents the internal morphological structure of the examples in
(1a. 2a).

(1) 	a.przed oddawaniem 'before returning-DI'
        b. ('S s) s ('S s)
        c. [przed] [[[od[da]]wa]nie(m)]

(2)	a. nadopiekuńczy 'over-protective'
        b. ('S s) s ('S s)
        c. [nad[[[o[piek]]uń]cz(y)]]

While the problem posed by the left-most foot in (1b, 2b) can be
remedied by bracket erasure and prosodic restructuring within the
model of Lexical Phonology (Rubach and Booij 1985, 1990) or
Derivational Optimality Theory (Rubach 2000), such options are not
available within the standard one-level O(ptimality) T(heory), as
advocated in McCarthy and Prince (1993). Kraska-Szlenk (1995) proposes
a highly interesting account of Polish proclitics within one level OT
but, as will be demonstrated here, her analysis involves an
undesirable violation of highly-ranked Constraints on Prosodic
Domination proposed in Selkirk (1995). Moreover, Kraska-Szlenk's
constraint labelled Prominence Identity - which forces the identity of
the prosodification of prefixed words and their bases - seems to apply
optionally. This is demonstrated by the availability of two prosodic
patterns for the prefixed form in (3):

(3) 	wyizolowanemu 'isolated-dat.sg.masc'
        a. ('S s) s ('S s) ('S s) 
        b. ('S s) ('S s) s ('S s)

The present paper sketches a one-level OT analysis in which
proclitic-plus-host (or prefix-plus-stem) combinations in (1-2) are
interpreted as single (non-recursive) Prosodic Words. The occurrence
of the external sandhi phenomena within the clitic-plus-host or
prefix-plus-stem combinations - discussed in Szpyra (1992), Gussmann
and Kaye (1993), Rubach and Booij (1990) or Rowicka (1999), and
exemplified by the glottal stop insertion in (4) - is then predicted
by Output-Output constraints (of the type proposed in Basri et al.
1998 or Benua 1997).

(4)  a.	przed.?od.da.wa.niem
     b.	nad.?o.pie.kuń.czy

It is argued here that, within one-level OT, morphology-to-phonology
mapping constraints (aligning edges of prosodic constituents and
morphological constituents) must be low-ranked in Polish, contrary to
the claim put forward in McCarthy and Prince (1993) and Kraska-Szlenk
(1995). Furthermore, it is shown that the application of Align (Stem,
L, Pwd, L) - proposed in McCarthy and Prince (1993) - to Polish
compound lexemes such as (krople) uspokajająco-nasenne 'tranquilizing
and sleep-inducing (drops)' or zlewo-zmywak 'drainboard sink' - is far
from being straightforward, since the term "stem" is not defined
properly.

References
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Benua, L. 1997. Transderivational Identity: Phonological Relations
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Gussmann, E. and J. D. Kaye. 1993. "Polish notes from a Dubrovnik cafe
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427-62.

Kraska-Szlenk, I. 1995. The Phonology of Stress in Polish. Doctoral
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McCarthy, J. and A. Prince 1993. "Generalized alignment". Yearbook of
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Rubach, J. and G. Booij 1985. "A grid theory of stress in Polish".
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